Karl Popper's "Virus"

 In The Poverty of Historicism, while talking about the uncertainty of progress, Karl Popper wrote "For we cannot exclude the logical possibility, say, of a bacterium or virus that spreads a wish for Nirvana" (1957, p 157). What is interesting is that Popper was infected with this virus—initially, Marxism, gradually decreasing in virility to socialism and then interventionism.

In 1914, at the age of 12, Popper read Edward Bellamy's utopian novel, Looking Backward:2000-1887 (Hacohen, 2000, p 67-68); and, without guidance, it is hard to believe that he would have been able to engage with it critically. In fact, in his intellectual autobiography, he criticizes himself for his uncritical acceptance of Marxism (1982, 33-34). In that same book he demonstrates that while into his seventies he has still not rid himself of the disease, writing "... if there could be such a thing as socialism combined with personal liberty, I would be a socialist still" (36).

As far as I know, Popper, while sometimes mentioning free markets positively, never condemned socialism for its negative economic consequences that have resulted each time it has been tried. Even the voluntary socialist experiments of the 19th century (e.g. by adherents of Owenism in the U.S.) and of Zionists in Israel have been, if not outright failures, difficult to sustain. Perhaps his rejection of economism—the idea that economic welfare is a guide for social policy and a characteristic he identified in Marx's writing— led him to believe that such a criticism was unnecessary and would reduce him to Marx's level.

The failure of Popper to embrace the economics of Mises and Hayek has led to the perpetuation of error, most visibly in the person of George Soros, and put humanity at risk of another dark age. Edward Bellamy would be astonished.

Hacohen, M. H. (2000). Karl Popper — The Formative Years, 1902-1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Popper, K. R. (1957). The Poverty of Historicism. Boston: Beacon Press.

Popper, K. R. ([1976] 1982). Unended Quest. La Salle: Open Court.

A Guess at Our Future

 This morning, in his introductory remarks on Bloomberg's Wall Street Week, David Westin, the host, said the following:

As the polls continue to move in the Democrats' direction, markets seem to get more comfortable with a Biden win; especially if it's quick and it's clean.

This statement, especially the idea that markets are "comfortable" with a win by someone who clearly advocates a regime of higher taxation and regulation, made me wonder. Viewing stock market activity, it is clear that it is true, but why? Perhaps, as in 1930s Germany, the so-called capitalists are banking on support for the party of corporatism to preserve their status.

Prior to that moment I had been thinking that Trump's random interventionism was preferable to Biden's program of systematic, all-encompassing interventionism. But that is clearly not the attitude of Wall Street, corporate America, or the deep (that is bureaucratic, unaccountable) state.

It seems that the consistent national socialism, or fascism, on offer from the Democrat nominee is being embraced by a majority of the nation (over 50% in national polls at the moment), and there is a clear consensus growing that more and more of daily life should be centrally planned. After all, it appears that many experts deride the lack of a national plan in the face of varying responses by states in the U.S. to the COVID-19 pandemic. Where is all this heading?

My view at the moment is that the goal is first, national socialism—an end to federalism and a dramatic shift of power to regulate daily life to the federal government. But this cannot be the end game as many who favor international governance, like George Soros through the Open Society Foundations (OSF), the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), and the World Economic Forum (WEF) are also clearly supporting Biden—the "reasonable" nominee.

I am generally not attracted to conspiracy theories, but there is no doubt that these organizations have agendas and the attention of the political and intellectual elites. I believe that they have the best of intentions, seeking to save the world through international governance; or, as has been said in the past, "one-world government." This objective is to be achieved through the gradual centralization of governance from one level to the next, national governance being the step required before regional or international governance. The method is through the gradual undermining of individualism through the discrediting of non-credentialed expert opinion and, if required, the suppression of voices of dissent. Donald Trump, an individual unschooled in this program is a definite bump in the road. However, to believe, as QAnon adherents apparently do, that Trump can save us from this powerful force, is naïve, as Trump clearly lacks the knowledge to do so.

Unlike in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four, actual war is no longer required to unite the masses in supporting the programs of the state. Now, it is clear that wars against conditions or ideas will suffice: the "War on Poverty," the "War on Drugs," the "War on Terrorism," the "War on COVID-19," the "War on Climate Change," and who knows what next? All that is needed is a "war" that cannot be won and exists in perpetuity, or at least long enough that some new boogeyman can be placed before the public.  

This constructivist program is hubris on steroids—the belief that an elite that governs every detail of the lives of humanity will produce a result better than the evolutionary processes that have governed us for thousands of years. It will eliminate competitive markets and impose a one-size-fits-all regime that will hamper the development of comparative advantage and stifle capital accumulation that is supportive of innovative products and business plans. It is clearly a eugenics for society, and will produce the same catastrophic results.